In 2009 I started a PhD project called 'Laboratories of crime governance: Experimenting surveillance in everyday life'. For this study I did ethnographic research on three pilot studies in the Netherlands. A new surveillance technology was introduced in an everyday policing practice in each of these pilots. My question is how experimenting with these new technologies affects crime governance, and vice versa.
I
followed ticket inspectors in public transport to understand the use of
synthetic DNA; I sat in a police control room to see how a technology for the
acoustic detection of aggression was used; and I worked in a municipal crime
policy department to learn about the use of data mining.
In the
end (hopefully in 2013), I hope to be able to contribute to the literature
about the following concepts: real-life experiments, surveillance and crime
governance (in terms of authorities, the surveillance object, norms and
governable space).
Some,
very preliminary, and somewhat disorderly, outcomes:
Experiments are common in Dutch local crime control; they
have become part of the repertoire of policy officials. Pilot studies may serve
to test a technology but they can also have a demonstrative function, for
instance be part of a media campaign.
My case
studies did not introduce spectacular changes. In fact, they were labelled as
‘failed’, and they slowly died out.
Nevertheless,
they performed a certain type of politics: in- and
excluding local actors and practices from policing methods. For instance,
in a pilot study on the acoustic detection of aggression, barking dogs and bus
horns were excluded from aggression signals. These in- and exclusions were part
of the changes in crime control we know so well, such as privatization and the
deployment of ever more risk-based strategies.
Aggression is an important topic in the context of Dutch
crime control and it was an explicit concern in two of my case studies. In
these cases, however, aggression only existed as a somewhat clearly defined and
delineated object in policy documents. Policemen and private security officers
rarely referred to aggression; they worked with terms such as violence, insult,
domestic violence and resistance. Surveillance technologies consequently did
not only measure aggression; they introduced it.
Technologies,
such as data mining, promise to ‘zoom in’: to
see something in greater detail, with higher granularity. To see something
closer, however, does not mean seeing the same thing better. In my fieldwork,
it involved an effort to create a new target group. Zooming in by data mining
was characterized by the visual practice of combining results on screens with
other inscriptions, such as paper maps. In addition, it was a storytelling
practice in which data mining results were folded in to neighbourhood politics,
administrative knowledge and common theories.
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